The School-to-Prison Pipeline Definition and Evidence

The school-to-prison pipeline is a process through which students are pushed out of schools and into prisons. In other words, it is a process of criminalizing youth that is carried out by disciplinary policies and practices within schools that put students into contact with law enforcement. Once they are put into contact with law enforcement  for disciplinary reasons, many are then pushed out of the educational environment and into the juvenile and criminal justice systems. The key policies and practices that created and now maintain the school-to-prison pipeline include zero tolerance policies that mandate harsh punishments for both minor and major infractions, exclusion of students from schools through punitive  suspensions and expulsions, and the presence of police on campus as School Resource Officers (SROs). The school-to-prison pipeline is supported by budgetary decisions made by the U.S. government. From 1987-2007, funding for incarceration more than doubled while funding for higher education was raised by just 21 percent, according to PBS. In addition, evidence shows that the school-to-prison pipeline primarily captures and affects Black students, which mirrors the over-representation of this group in Americas prisons and jails. How It Works The two key forces that produced and now maintain the school-to-prison pipeline are the use of zero tolerance policies that mandate exclusionary punishments and the presence of SROs on campuses. These policies and practices became common following a deadly spate of school shootings across the U.S. in the 1990s. Lawmakers and educators believed they would help to ensure safety on school campuses. Having a zero tolerance policy means that a school has zero tolerance for any kind of misbehavior or violation of school rules, no matter how minor, unintentional, or subjectively defined it may be. In a school with a zero tolerance policy, suspensions and expulsions are normal and common ways of dealing with student misbehavior. Impact of Zero Tolerance Policies Research shows that the implementation of zero tolerance policies has led to significant increases in suspensions and expulsions. Citing a study by Michie, education scholar Henry Giroux observed that, over a four-year period, suspensions increased by 51 percent and expulsions by nearly 32 times after zero tolerance policies were implemented in Chicago schools. They jumped from just 21 expulsions in the 1994–95 school year to 668 in 1997–98. Similarly, Giroux cites a report from the Denver Rocky Mountain News that found that expulsions increased by more than 300 percent in the citys public schools between 1993 and 1997. Once suspended or expelled, data show that students are less likely to complete high school, more than twice as likely to be arrested while on forced leave from school, and  more likely to be in contact with the juvenile justice system during the year that follows the leave. In fact, sociologist David Ramey found, in a nationally representative study, that experiencing school punishment before the age of 15 is associated with contact with the criminal justice system for boys. Other research shows that students who do not complete high school are more likely to be incarcerated. How SROs Facilitate the Pipeline In addition to adopting harsh zero tolerance policies, most schools across the country now have police present on campus on a daily basis and most states require educators to report student misbehavior to law enforcement. The presence of SROs on campus means that students have contact with law enforcement from a young age. Though their intended purpose is to protect students and ensure safety on school campuses, in many instances, the police handling of disciplinary issues escalates minor, non-violent infractions into violent, criminal incidents that have negative impacts on students. By studying the distribution of federal funding for SROs and rates of school-related arrests, criminologist Emily G. Owens found that the presence of SROs on campus causes law enforcement agencies to learn of more crimes and increases the likelihood of arrest for those crimes among children under the age of 15. Christopher A. Mallett, a legal scholar and expert on the school-to-prison pipeline, reviewed evidence of the pipelines existence and concluded that the increased use of zero tolerance policies and police...in the schools has exponentially increased arrests and referrals to the juvenile courts. Once they have made contact with the criminal justice system, data show that students are unlikely to graduate high school. Overall, what over a decade of empirical research on this topic proves is that zero tolerance policies, punitive disciplinary measures like suspensions and expulsions, and the presence of SROs on campus have led to more and more students being pushed out of schools and into the juvenile and criminal justice systems. In short, these policies and practices created the school-to-prison pipeline and sustain it today. But why exactly do these policies and practices make students more likely to commit crimes and end up in prison? Sociological theories and research help answer this question. Institutions and Authority Figures Criminalize Students One key sociological theory of deviance, known as labeling theory, contends that  people come to identify and behave in ways that reflect how others label them. Applying this theory to the school-to-prison pipeline  suggests that being labeled as a bad kid by school authorities and/or SROs, and being treated in a way that reflects that label (punitively), ultimately leads kids to internalize the label and behave in ways that make it real through action. In other words, it is a self-fulfilling prophecy. Sociologist Victor Rios found just that in his studies of the effects of policing on the lives of Black and Latino boys in the San Francisco Bay Area. In his first book,  Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino  Boys, Rios revealed through in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation  how increased surveillance and attempts at controlling at-risk or deviant youth ultimately foster the very criminal behavior they are intended to prevent. In a social context in which social institutions label deviant youth as bad or criminal, and in doing so, strip them of dignity, fail to acknowledge their struggles, and do not treat them with respect, rebellion and criminality are acts of resistance. According to Rios, then, it is social institutions and their authorities that do the work of criminalizing youth. Exclusion from School, Socialization into Crime The sociological concept of socialization also helps shed light on why the school-to-prison pipeline exists. After family, school is the second most important and formative site of socialization for children and adolescents where they learn social norms for behavior and interaction and receive moral guidance from authority figures. Removing students from schools as a form of discipline takes them out of this formative environment and important process, and it removes them from the safety and structure that the school provides. Many students who express behavioral issues at school are acting out in response to stressful or dangerous conditions in their homes or neighborhoods, so removing them from school and returning them to a problematic or unsupervised home environment hurts rather than helps their development. While removed from school during a suspension or expulsion, youth are more likely to spend time  with others removed for similar reasons, and with those who are already engaged in criminal activity. Rather than being socialized by education-focused peers and educators, students who have been suspended or expelled will be socialized more by peers in similar situations. Because of these factors, the punishment of removal from school creates the conditions for the development of criminal behavior. Harsh Punishment Further, treating students as criminals when they have done nothing more than act out in minor, non-violent ways weakens the authority of educators, police, and other members of the juvenile and criminal justice sectors. The punishment does not fit the crime and so it suggests that those in positions of authority are not trustworthy, fair, and are even immoral. Seeking to do the opposite, authority figures who behave this way can actually teach students that they and their authority are not to be respected or trusted, which fosters conflict between them and students. This conflict then often leads to further exclusionary and damaging punishment experienced by students. The Stigma of Exclusion Finally, once excluded from school and labeled bad or criminal, students often find themselves stigmatized by their teachers, parents, friends, parents of friends, and other community members. They experience confusion, stress, depression, and anger as a result of being excluded from school and from being treated harshly and unfairly by those in charge. This makes it difficult to stay focused on school and hinders motivation to study and desire to return to school and to succeed academically. Cumulatively, these social forces work to discourage academic studies, hinder academic achievement and even completion of high school,  and push negatively labeled youth onto criminal paths and into the criminal justice system. Black and American Indian  Students Face Harsher Punishments and Higher Rates of Suspension and Expulsion While Black people are just 13 percent of the total U.S. population,  they comprise the greatest percentage of people in prisons and jails—40 percent. Latinos are also over-represented in prisons and jails, but by far less. While they comprise 16 percent of the U.S. population they represent 19 percent of those in prisons and jails. In contrast, white people make up just 39 percent of the incarcerated population, despite the fact that they are the majority race in the U.S., comprising 64 percent of the national population. Data from across the U.S. that illustrate punishment and school-related arrests show that the racial disparity in incarceration begins with the school-to-prison pipeline. Research shows that both schools with large Black populations and underfunded schools, many of which are majority-minority schools, are more likely to employ zero tolerance policies. Nationwide, Black and American Indian students face far greater rates of suspension and expulsion than do white students. In addition, data compiled by the National Center for Education Statistics show that while the percentage of white students suspended fell from 1999 to 2007, the percentage of Black and Hispanic  students suspended rose. A variety of studies and metrics show that Black and American Indian students are punished more frequently and more harshly for the same, mostly  minor, offenses than are white students. Legal and educational scholar Daniel J. Losen points out that, though there is no evidence that these students misbehave more frequently or more severely than do white students, research from across the country shows that teachers and administrators punish them more—especially Black students. Losen cites one study that found that the disparity is greatest among non-serious offenses like cell phone use, violations of dress code, or subjectively defined offenses like being disruptive or displaying affection. Black first-time offenders in these categories are suspended at rates that are double or more than those for white first-time offenders. According to the U.S. Department of Educations Office for Civil Rights, about  5 percent of white students have been suspended during their schooling experience, compared with 16 percent of Black students. This means Black students are more than three times as likely to be suspended than their white peers. Though they comprise just 16 percent of the total enrollment of public school students, Black students comprise 32 percent of in-school suspensions and 33 percent of out-of-school suspensions.  Troublingly, this disparity begins as early as preschool.  Nearly half of all preschool students suspended are Black, though they represent just 18 percent of total preschool enrollment. American Indians also face inflated suspension rates. They represent 2 percent of out-of-school suspensions, which is 4 times greater than the percentage of total enrolled students that they comprise. Black students are also far more likely to experience multiple suspensions. Though they are just 16 percent of the public school enrollment, they are a full 42 percent of those suspended multiple times. This means that their presence in the population of students with multiple suspensions is more than 2.6 times greater than their presence in the total population of students. Meanwhile, white students are under-represented among those with multiple suspensions, at just 31 percent. These disparate rates play out not only within schools but also across districts on the basis of race. Data shows that in the Midlands area of South Carolina, suspension figures in a mostly-Black school district are double what they are in a mostly-white one. There is also evidence that shows that the overly harsh punishment of Black students is concentrated in the American south, where the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow exclusionary policies and violence against Black people manifest in everyday life. Of the 1.2 million Black students who were suspended nationwide during the 2011-2012 school year, more than half were located in 13 southern states. At the same time, half of all Black students expelled were from these states. In many of the school districts located in these states, Black students comprised 100 percent of students suspended or expelled in a given school year. Among this population, students with disabilities are even more likely to experience exclusionary discipline. With the exception of Asian and Latino students, research shows that more than one out of four boys of color with disabilities... and nearly one in five girls of color with disabilities receives an out-of-school suspension. Meanwhile, research shows that white students who express behavioral issues in school are more likely to be treated with medicine, which reduces their chances of ending up in jail or prison after acting out in school. Black Students Face Higher Rates of School-Related Arrests and Removal from School System Given that there is a connection between the experience of suspensions and engagement with the criminal justice system, and given that racial bias within education and among police is well-documented, it is no surprise that Black and Latino students comprise 70 percent of those who face referral to law enforcement or school-related arrests. Once they are in contact with the criminal justice system, as the statistics on the school-to-prison pipeline cited above demonstrate, students are far less likely to complete high school. Those that do may do so in alternative schools for students labeled as juvenile delinquents, many of which are unaccredited and offer lower quality education than they would receive in public schools. Others who are placed in juvenile detention centers or prison may receive no educational resources at all. The racism embedded in the school-to-prison pipeline is a significant factor in producing the reality that Black and Latino students are far less likely than their white peers to complete high school and that Black, Latino, and American Indian people are much more likely than white people to end up in jail or prison. What all of these data show us is that not only is the school-to-prison pipeline very real, but also, it is fueled by racial bias and produces racist outcomes that cause great harm to the lives, families, and communities of people of color across the United States.

Bolshevik Consolidation of Power - 1760 Words

How successful were the Bolsheviks in consolidating their power from 1917-1924? Was Communist ideology compromised during this period? On 24-26 October, the Bolshevik Party seized power from Kerensky’s Provisional Government. This was achieved with surprising ease. Retaining their newly acquired power, however, was to prove difficult. Nonetheless, the Bolsheviks proved successful in consolidating their power from 1917-1924, achieving this through a combination of pragmatic reforms and ruthless terror. This ultimately led the Bolsheviks far from their original goals and ideologies, and by 1924, the Soviet Union was a highly centralised one-party state. Immediately after the October revolution, the Bolsheviks consolidated their power using†¦show more content†¦The Bolsheviks also built a new police system and a ruling group that portrayed the same discipline and unity that had characterised Russia’s traditional ruling elites. As well as pragmatic reforms, the Bolsheviks also used terror in order to consolidate their power from 1917-1924. In December 1917, the Bolsheviks created a new secret police institution (the Cheka) to provide security, encourage class warfare and bring the army under tighter control. An attempt on Lenin’s life in August 1918 saw the Cheka take harsh reprisals against all suspected enemies in what became known as the ‘Red Terror’. The middle class, former nobility and the clergy were key targets. During the Civil War, the Kadet party was outlawed and its leaders arrested. Russia had become a one-party state. The Cheka also killed the Tsar and his family to prevent them being used as a symbolic rallying point for counter-revolution. Despite compromising Communist ideology, these ruthless measures were successful in suppressing internal opposition and thus consolidating Bolshevik power. War Communism was introduced in 1918 as a means of consolidating Bolshevik power. War Communism attempted to replace the free market with state control over all means of production and distribution. In the towns, private trade was banned,Show MoreRelatedThe Bolshevik Consolidation of Power 1918-21 Essay2585 Words   |  11 PagesThe Bolshevik Consolidation of Power 1918-21 The Bolsheviks under Lenin, when they came into power in October 1917, faced immense problems in trying to consolidate their hold over the ex-tsarist empire. Firstly, how were the Bolsheviks, in view of their military resources, to extend their hold over the nation at large? The second, was how could they achieve a speedy end to the war and effect a rapid withdrawal of the German army, which was currently occupying theRead MoreEssay about Bolshevik Consolidation of Power 19-17-19241549 Words   |  7 PagesFrom the initial seizure of power in 1917 until 1924, the Bolsheviks were confronted with a series of crises that threatened their ability to control and govern in Russia. The response and resolutions to these crises included Initial Reforms, Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Civil War, Red terror, War Communism and the NEP. Under the leadership of Lenin, the execution of these responses were made possible and the Bolsheviks were able to maintain and expand their power. The Civil War however was the directRead MoreA Brief Description of the Rusian Revolution1563 Words   |  6 PagesOne of the first problems faced by the Bolshevik party was the upcoming election to the All Russian Constituent Assembly in November. Lenin was highly opposed to this as he thought any democratic elections were tricks played by the bourgeoisie to keep itself in power and unlike other political parties Lenin’s i deas for the Bolsheviks were different, he did not want to win mass support but to create a party capable of seizing power , the Bolsheviks ruled by de facto not de jure. This led to the dissolutionRead MoreLenin s The Bolshevik Party1270 Words   |  6 PagesWhile organizing the Bolshevik party in the lead up to the October 1917 insurrection, Lenin navigated the fundamental contradictions of socialism with relative ease. In Lenin’s ‘April Theses,’ published after his return to Russia, he advocated for a transfer of all state power â€Å"to the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants. † When compared to the positions of Lenin’s fellow Bolsheviks in April of 1917, he appeared radically committed to Marxist ideology. Indeed, Suny statesRead MoreBiography of Lon Trotsky Essay1070 Words   |  5 Pagessignificant accomplishments included his leadership of the Red Army and success in the February Revolution, which consolidated Bolshevik power. Trotsky’s ‘talent’ and ability’ was undoubted, however, it was insufficient to attain leadership of the Soviet Union. 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Leadership order Free Essays

NO. I differ with him since one should not assume a problem while hoping that solutions will be found after sometime. The partnership had grown from having 2 to 27 people in one town and has spread into three separate towns. We will write a custom essay sample on Leadership order or any similar topic only for you Order Now The partnership being a law firm has increased the number of attorneys to 18 resulting into increased number of cases being handled by the firm, increased number of employees and increased number of clients. Hiring a General Manager-operations (G.M) was intended to assist in promotion of production in the company. Instead he was sending away clients without accepting the liabilities. Further efforts showed be put into place into retain them as well as bring back those who had already left. These clients have been with the company for a long time and the firm could not afford loose because of a mistake of one individual. This is because the firm was likely to face problems key among them being, loss of jobs for its employees as a result of reduced number of clients. Additionally, the company will not be able to run its day to day business since there will be reduced income. The partners should insist on meeting the clients and ask them to return to their firm since they knew their services. The partners should first deliberate on the issue of retaining the general manager because he was not result oriented. The G.M-operations overstepped is mark and instead of improving the customer relations, expanding the customer base as well as enhancing the relations with the local communities he severed both the customer and client relations. The top management team should move very fast and replace the general manager immediately so as to save the company. Power sharing is a very important aspect of leadership since, the problems facing the junior staff, decision-making and implementation is increased. De-concentration of power also promotes efficiency and effectiveness since the leaders involved will have few responsibilities to shoulder and thus they will perform their duties to the maximum for the advantage of the group. Leadership is not about directing and guiding people to do a particular task but is an issue where a group member influences the rest of the group to accomplish an objective. A leader should direct the organization towards greater cohesiveness and coherence (Schriesheim, Chester A. 221-228, Lewin, K, LIippit, R and White R.K. 271-301). The authority that a leader possesses should be directed to accomplishment of the groups’ goal. Good leadership should be one that makes the followers and the junior staff desire to achieve higher goals rather than to simply ride over the juniors. The manner and approach in which an individual provides direction, implement plans and motivate people normally defines the leadership style his/her leadership style. A General Manager-operations of a fast growing firm should be one not limited to a specific leadership style. He should however be ready to employ all styles depending on the situation. Â  Participatory/democratic leadership style which involves one or more members of the group in making decisions has been found to be very appropriate. This style should have worked very well since the G.M-operation was new in the legal firm as he had come from insurance company where he had worked for long. Instead of spending a lot of time of learning about the organization, its members and books of account he would have instead involved the longest serving employees in decision making. This style would allow members to own the decisions reached upon since the were part of their generation. This leadership style is so pronounced in individuals who are cooperative, dedicated and team players as well as solely motivated to achieve tangible results not for their benefit but that of the larger firm. However, since a formal organization is prone to have employees of different skills, personalities and temperaments, a leader should be well conversant with all leadership styles which include: authoritarian/autocratic, participative/democratic and delegative/free reign and be ready to use any of them alternately depending on the surrounding circumstance Although I have used all the leadership styles very successfully the most pronounced style that I posses is autocratic/authoritarian which I demonstrate without a lot of struggle .With this style I prefer being a leader of newly formed group member of whom giving directions and receiving advice is never a problem. I also prefer leading new team members since I derive a lot of pleasure in showing off my capacities. It also reduces deliberation time and decision making since the members are rarely consulted and decision making is top down. However, I will never prefer leading a group composed of highly skilled and knowledgeable members since they have a potential of critiquing my style. They may require participation in decision-making as well as delegation of duties. Additionally since I desire being recognized as a boss I will rather be a leader for an inexperienced group. References Schriesheim, Chester A. The Great High Consideration – High initiating structure Leadership myth: Evidence on its generalizability. The journal of social Psychology, April 1982, 116, pp 221-228 Mind tools: Leadership styles, using the right one for your situation. Accessed online on Lewin, K, LIippit, R and White R.K. Patterns of aggressive behavior in experimentally Created social climates. Journals of social psychology 1999, 10, 271-301 How to cite Leadership order, Essay examples